Gordon Brown: Brilliant Obsessive

Gordon Brown: Portrait of a Brilliant Obsessive

Early Days

Gordon Brown is famously a ‘son of the Manse’ in that his father was a minister in The Church of Scotland; accordingly, he grew up within an atmosphere of social responsibility and philanthropy. He and his brothers regularly helped their father, John Brown with work in the Kirkaldy, Fife parish and at the events he organized in connection with St Brycedale Presbyterian church: ‘Father was a generous person and made us aware of poverty and illness…he taught me to treat everyone equally and that is something I have not forgotten’ (many would now bitterly dispute such an assertion however). Personal ambitions were unworthy and therefore to be to be concealed, according to Brown’s father, though few would deny that in Brown’s case, that ambition has been a driving force in the young Brown’s career trajectory. However his parents did expect precocious young Gordon to study hard and succeed.

University, eye problems and relationship with girls.

Brown was gregarious and popular and at first was determined to become a professional footballer but he developed a love of history and politics from an early age. The young Brown however, was not obsessive about girls in his teens , despite his good looks, fit body and witty, charismatic social image amongst his peers. He took his Highers aged 15 and was already qualified for university; he registered at Edinburgh in 1967. His elder brother John, introduced him to friends as ‘boring but very clever’. However, a major problem arose after a rugby match in which he detached both retinas; delaying treatment and heading a football made matters worse. He had four operations and was forced to be immobile for six months in the dark. From now on contact sports were forbidden. Such a trauma undermined his confidence but made him even more determined to succeed in the shortest possible time. Fortunately his right eye was saved but his face acquired a dour, stiff expression. Now he was, perforce, dedicated to his own advancement and exhibited a tendency to seek control over others.

Eventually, demonstrating a rather non socialist interest in property, Brown bought his rooms in Marchmont Rd over whose inner chaos he presided. He joined the Labour Party in 1969-long haired and scruffy but not especially of the left eg CND or Scottish independence. Nor did he indulge in the usual dissipations of booze, pot and so forth. However, he did form a close relationship with Princess Margarita of Romania, the affair lasting for several years- he liked her enveloping maternal care. This relationship came to an end but both were reluctant to finish it completely so strong was it-in later years he regretted never having married her. The consensus seemed to be that he took her for granted, expecting her to wait for hours while he drank and chatted with friends about politics; he also, it was said, tended to conceal his true feelings; a pattern to be repeated with other women in his life. That there were rumours that he was gay, now seem ridiculous. In 1972 he was awarded a brilliant first- some say the best ever awarded at Edinburgh- and began a doctorate on Labour in Scotland.

The Politics Bug Bites

Later in 1972 he was elected Rector of his university and this opened his eyes to politics (in the ‘lower case’): ‘It was quite a revelation to me that politics was less about ideals and more about manoeuvres’. He soon excelled in the sword-fighting of politics. His assiduous cultivation of such skills led to his accumulation of a goodly host of enemies in the university which maybe stymied his later ambition to move from his temporary lectureship to a full one. He consoled himself by becoming increasingly active in the Labour Party, though his shambolic habits (plastic bags full of bits of paper, notes, scruffiness and invariable lateness) and appearance(badly bitten finger nails, shabby clothes) did not assist efforts to win over sceptical working class voters. In 1978 there was a chance of fighting a by-election against George Robertson but he backed off, some said lacking the courage for the fight. In 1979 he fought Michael Ancram but, to his own devastation, narrowly lost. He took jobs teaching for the WEA and BBC TV for a while to support himself while waiting to get into parliament; at the BBC he met the feisty Sheena McDonald, with whom he had a long relationship. In 1983 he was adopted for Dunfermline East, a safe seat which he duly won at the 1983 election. He was now an MP.

Westminster

Politically Brown was never wild and woolly left, CND and so forth but tended to see Attlee’s achievements-nationalisation, welfare state- as the bedrock of Labour’s philosophy. He was very much Old Labour in the eighties until the early nineties in fact. He wrote a book on Scottish Labour with Robin Cook but was furious when latter upstaged him at the launch by appearing to claim all the credit for it. He had already concluded Cook was an unhelpful rival in the unforgiving world of Scottish politics. However, he struck up an unlikely friendship with Tony Blair, a young Labour MP from a Conservative background and they shared a room. Blair was an eager friendly person who was prepared to defer to Brown’s greater knowledge and skills at this time. His dealings with Cook remained toxic; Brown was convinced Cook was trying to destroy him. However, he struck up a good friendship with Labour’s new Communications Director, Peter Mandelson, who was adept at infighting and destabilizing briefings.

He also got on well with John Smith, the Shadow Chancellor and went ‘Munro Bagging ‘ with him. Following robust performances in debate, he was soon seen as a potential future leader and did well in the party elections for the shadow cabinet; when Smith had a heart attack, he stood in a Shadow Chancellor for him. However, after the 1992 debacle, he shrank from challenging his friend for the leadership when Kinnock stood down as Tony Blair had urged- another failure of courage? After shadowing employment and social security, trade and industry etc in the 80s, he was made Shadow Chancellor by Smith in 1993, even though he had not been uncritical of his leader. Before Black Wednesday he had supported the ERM but in its wake he said the opposite and blamed the government for ‘devaluing’. Brown determined to provide Labour with a new intellectual credo to replace the one which had lost the 1992 election. ´

He resolved from the outset that Labour would never again pledge to raise taxes in an election campaign; nor could failing firms be saved or powers be restored to the unions. He began to build a new approach of ‘radical populism’: to address globalisation, the ‘knowledge economy’ and the markets. He slowly came to accept the market provided opportunities for the poor as long as they were prepared to train. He was ready to accept that ‘much of Thatcherism was irreversible’ (Bower, p101). Those more traditional (Straw, Blunkett, Cook, Meacher, Prescott) than he opposed this ‘modernization’. Interestingly there is no mention of Blair as a fellow forger of the New Labour ethos in the Bower biography.

Brown Builds his Modernizing Team

Brown began to present himself as a leftie to left audiences and to the right if his audience was. Smith favoured the ‘one more heave’ approach but Brown was all for a clean break and a new strategy. Clinton’s scorn for the ‘idle poor’ influenced him at this time: a ‘hand up not a hand out’. He not so much changed Labour’s ideology as changed the vocabulary of political discourse. Sue Nye became his gatekeeper and office manager to bring much needed order. Ed Balls, Oxbridge graduate and FT leader writer also recruited. Meanwhile Smith was hostile to the modernizers, asserting Labour would ‘sleepwalk to victory’. Brown believed the Treasury would be the powerhouse of government change: economics would drive change needed. Mandelson was also a confrere but who, according to Naughtie was ‘scared’ of Gordon, was destined to shift allegiance to the sunnier temperament of the former lead singer of the Ugly Rumours.

The Granita Meeting

In 1994 Smith tragically died and the succession was at stake. Brown and Blair were both ‘in the frame’ as Young Turks of great ability but Brown felt himself to be the senior and the more able of the two. However, Blair had more popularity as a good communicator and as a new force. They met to discuss their positions at this much disputed occasion: the Granita restaurant in Blair’s home territory of Islington. No notes were kept but Brownites claim their man was promised a period as PM after Blair had served a reasonable term. During Tony’s time as PM it was agreed Brown would have virtual control over domestic policy. Precisely what happened is still unclear; Brown’s supporters claim a ‘deal’ was done but Blairites deny this. Naughtie reckons Blair’s temperamental desire to leave meetings with everyone feeling happy, led him to give the impression that Gordon had received some kind of a confirmation that he would be allowed accession in the fullness of time. Brown thought he had a

‘near promise of succession; Blair insists that nothing so clear could have been offered.’(Naughtie, p73).

According to Anthony Seldon’s biography of Blair a close insider to the action judged: ‘Tony had to battle Gordon into submission. It was incredibly tense. Incredibly emotional. There were moments when Gordon got the upper hand. He made Tony feel like a younger brother’(p193)

It has to be said that:

a) Blair might have made some kind of general statement of intent but Brown must have known that once Blair was PM , giving the job up might not appeal so much.

b) Would Brown have been so generous as to do the same? It seems unlikely, given his ‘thundering ambition and determination’ (ibid, p79).

c) Brown had, in any case won more control over the domestic agenda than any previous Chancellor. Chancellor was therefore more than most politicians cold have hoped for and he had virtually been offered an unprecedented ‘dual premiership’

d) There was no constitutional basis for the ‘deal’; standing down is something wholly in the hands of the PM, as is supporting any successor.

e) If it had come to a contest, despite Brown’s assertion to the contrary, along with his claque, most commentators think Blair would have won easily. Brown’s star was waning a little at that time and Blair’s star was rising through his communication skills and ability to charm fellow MPs.

f) Whatever to politicians might decide in opposition, it is difficult to prescribe what will happen in government.

Whatever the reality, this meeting, producing vastly differing beliefs as to what had been agreed in the minds of the two protagonists, was destined to sour the next decade and, at times, threaten the stability and future of the government itself. We are informed by many insiders that Brown constantly reminded Blair that he ‘owed’ him a share of the top job.

Brown as Chancellor

Few dispute that Brown’s record as Chancellor is impressive. Following his granting independence to the Bank of England in 1997, his stewardship of the economy has seen: constant economic growth; low inflation(2% in October 2007); low unemployment; and the praise of the IMF and Central European Bank. However, critics point out that: UK prosperity has been based on a mountain of consumer debt of 1.4 trillion pounds as well as substantial government debt caused by excessive spending. Much of the consumer debt has been fuelled by increasing house prices against which people have borrowed and a hugely inflated public sector. This means that increases in interest rates might cause repossessions, bankruptcies and banking failures. So far this has not happened but the recent Northern Rock crisis showed how easily this might still happen if things go wrong. Moreover, this has been a City led prosperity with manufacturing languishing, balance of payments enlarging, and competitiveness diminishing. In other words, the economy has not been based on strong foundations like, say, Germany or Scandinavia.

Brown as a Politician; especially in relation to his ‘rival’ Tony Blair

When Blair refused to give way, Brown resorted to a number of strategies:

a) He refused to allow information out of the Treasury: former Cabinet minister David Clark has testified that: ‘They(the Treasury) were telling things to journalists they were not prepared to tell Number 10… it was hard for the PM’s team ‘to contain their frustration’. This was just part of Brown’s way of showing Blair that he could make his life miserable if he did not agree to move aside.(Larry Elliott et. al, Guardian, 16\4\02)

b) Destabilized Cabinet meetings: at one cabinet committee meeting on welfare, early on after 1997, Brown was told by Blair that ministers present did not like the way his advisers, Balls and Ed Miliband, spoke too much; Brown ‘compromised’ by promising they would not speak but bringing them along and asking their advice in loud whispers. In addition Brown showed his contempt for Blair by ignoring cabinet business and reading his own papers and scribbling on them throughout the meeting.

c) Hostile briefings by spokespeople: the most notorious of these briefers was Charlie Whelan, his press secretary, who was wildly indiscreet and given to briefing by mobile phone from the bar of a pub in Whitehall. Whelan was sacked in the end for exceeding his remit, much to the relief of those he had targeted, presumably on Brown’s tacit say-so.

d) Playing up to the left to discredit ‘New Labour’: in 2003 he ended his speech with ‘best when real Labour’. The next day Blair’s brilliant oration squashed him and he ostentatiously refused to applaud.

e) Using support to threaten Tony’s legislative plans: a perfect example was over top-up fees in January 2004, when opposition mounted and it seemed defeat was nigh; at the last minute Brown ordered Nick Brown to call off the dogs and the bill passed by 5 votes. Blair must have realised that he was in government by the graced of his Chancellor after that demonstration of naked power.

f) Expanding power of Treasury: Brown embarked on an ambitious programme of extending the writ of his department deep into the heart of government. His Public Service Agreements with departments bound them to achieve specific targets in exchange for funding; this was a potent means of binding departments to Treasury control.

g) Pursuing feuds with his enemies: at different times these included Cook, Hain, Clark and Reid. The connecting link could well be the threat they posed for the leadership. It was well known that Blair, as the years passed, was so frustrated by Gordon’s behaviour, that he was looking for someone to replace Brown as heir apparent.

h) Exploding at anyone who ‘flouted his authority’ over finance or the area he regarded as ‘his’ areas. These included Milburn and Byers who regularly floated ideas on policy- Bower suggests often at the behest of Blair himself.

i) Avoiding blame for disasters: when things went pear-shaped, like over the Millennium Dome, Brown was delighted at the discomfiture caused to Blair and Blairites but was careful to avoid any association or blame; some used the term ‘McCavity the Cat’ (after TS Elliot’s poem) to describe this tendency. Bower-p367- recounts how Brown ‘hid behind other ministers to avoid public responsibility’ over rail, ILAs , CMI and later NATS when it needed huge amounts of extra cash.

j) Acting only when voters seemed to be turning against him: this he did over pensions when his 75 pence increase was greeted with outrage and his ratings fell from 22% to 6%.

k) A tendency to lose his temper: Many ministers had to put up with a screaming rage or two from Gordon, none less than Blair himself who experienced extended bouts of this over the years, especially during the ‘coup’ period when meetings were long and difficult.

Brown’s Character

As can be seen from the above, Brown is not an easy person to work with. His behaviour has been characterised by obsessive secrecy about his own work and his private life. He does not embrace foes and placate people he has offended, as Blair tended to do. Andrew Turnbull, former Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, astonished the political class when he issued his analysis of Gordon’s character(21\3\03) as comprising: ‘Stalinist ruthlessness,’; and a ‘complete contempt for other ministers’. The next day Jonathan Powell told a bicycling Boris Johnson that Brown would never be PM as he was a Scot. This, maybe, caused Brown to emphasise the virtues of the ‘Union’ and ‘Britishness’, even toning down his Scots burr according to some. In 2006, after the attempted ‘coup’ against Blair, Charles Clarke let loose a similar blast against Brown’s inability to work with colleagues and his tendency to lose his temper. However, people like Geoffrey Robinson, an old friend and financial supporter of Brown speak of his witty, relaxed company and his warm loyal friendship. Brown seems to be a ‘clan leader’ sort of Scot, determined to be in control and hostile to the rest of the world. He exhibits a split personality: warm, witty and engaging or dour, suspicious and determined to exploit whatever power he has. The Stalin metaphor is close: relentless, calculating ambition; plus a vindictive pursuit of vengeance Maybe it all depends on whether someone is perceived as ‘one of us’ or a potential enemy.

The ‘Coup’ Attempt, Autumn 2006.

In 2004, to assuage Brown’s constant importunate demands that he move aside, Blair promised not to stand after the next election but one. This was a big move forward for Gordon but was not enough: Blair could be still be PM by 2010 according to this approach. Having waited and complained of being betrayed for so long, Brown’s supporters felt the combination of Iraq, Cash for Peerages, loss of trust in the PM and the Lebanon War where he sided too closely with Bush, made him vulnerable. In September the move was made by former loyalist Chris Bryant and Tom Watson via, respectively, a letter asking Blair to resign and a public resignation by the junior minister. Soon a number of other junior ministers were resigning and it appeared a full blown coup attempt was in progress. The aim of it was to get rid of Blair at once rather than some years hence. Anguished and angry meetings occurred involving both protagonists and after the crucial one in Whitehall, Brown was seen grinning ear to ear in delight, presumably, in getting what he wanted: an earlier exit and a promise of support. But Brown had appeared to browbeat and threaten and it was not clear whether he had damaged himself in his desperation to oust Blair.

Blair proceeded to burnish his legacy during late 06 into 07 while the world of UK politics waited to be told the departure date. In the end it came: 27^th June when Brown could stand for leader in any contest that might emerge. In the event no-one stepped forward and when David Miliband declined to risk his luck, Brown was elected unopposed at Manchester in 24th June. In interviews he denied he had been ambitious for the job as he was happy just being an MP. Few believed that this one track minded obsessive was telling the truth.

Gordon Brown as Prime Minister(so far)

Brown had a remarkably successful start as PM:

i) his initial statements on constitutional reform-strengthen parliament, revive cabinet government- went down very well with Lib Dems and Guardian readers and most other groups as well.

ii) His Cabinet of ‘all talents’ was well received.

iii) He instantly set a new tone to differentiate from his predecessor: sober, serious, ‘non celebrity’: a ‘serious man for serious times’. After a decade of Blair’s more histrionic style this seemed to go down well with Labour supporters as well as most everyone else.

iv) He appeared to deal competently with a series of crises: terrorism at Glasgow airport, foot and mouth outbreak in Surrey and turbulence on the international exchanges.

v) Cameron, who had been shading Brown in the polls, up to when he acceded to power, had a bad summer and made a number of tactical errors which made it seem he was less in control of his party.

vi) Polls in early September showed him, after the Tories had clawed back his initial ‘bounce’ lead, leading the Tories by 8 points and regaining leads on all the important issues like law and order, social policy and so forth.

vii) Why no complaints re his difficult nature? Maybe he’s fulfilled now he’s won his ultimate prize; maybe married life has mellowed him. Who knows? Perhaps he’s still being a bastard behind the scenes and we’ll not find out for a while.

Snap Election? It’s still impossible to say whether Brown will risk such a gamble; my sense is he won’t put himself on the line when opinion is so volatile.

Reading:

The best guide to Brown I have found to be Tom Bower’s Gordon Brown: Prime Minister, Harper 2007. Also very useful are:

James Naughtie,(2001) The Rivals, Fourth Estate.

Paul Routledge, (1998) Gordon Brown, Pocket Books.

Robert Peston, Brown’s Britain.

Anthony Seldon (2004), Blair, Simon Schuster.